In the Iraq War, Spain was left “alone” supporting the United States. 23 years later, she has been left alone refusing to help him

If a Spaniard from March 2003 could take a look at the press today (03/04/2026) it is most likely that he would not understand anything. And not because of the lack of context, references or the (logical) change of political leaders. Probably what would catch your attention is the 180º turn in the geopolitical chessboard that concerns the US and Europe. Let’s remember. In 2003 José María Aznar he posed smiling together with George W. Bush and Tony Blair to confirm itself as one of the great supporters of the US in the Iraq war. Today the opposite happens. Spain has become almost the loose European verse for his rejection of Trump’s offensive in Iran. It seems like a simple historical curiosity, but it says a lot about how Europe, the US and their relationship have changed over the last two decades. Trump’s anger. This is not the first time that Donald Trump publicly displayed his lack of harmony with Moncloa. In October, in full tug-of-war over the percentage of GDP that should be allocated to defense, the Republican came to suggest that Spain should be “expelled” from NATO. Rarely, however, has the US leader spoken out with the emphatic (and angry) expression he used yesterday when talking about the negative of Pedro Sánchez’s Government to have the US army use the Morón and Rota bases to attack Iran. “Spain has been terrible”. In the threatening tone that has become the hallmark of his second term, Trump made it clear that he does not take no for an answer. “Spain has been terrible,” started . “In fact I have told Scott (Bressent, Treasury Secretary) to cut all relations with her. Spain said we cannot use their bases. We could if we wanted to. Nobody is going to tell us no. But we don’t have to. They have been unfriendly.” In case there were any doubts, the Republican threatened with cutting “everything that has to do with Spain” and pronounced the cursed word: “Embargo.” He didn’t go much further, but neither that nor the fact that other previous announcements have fallen on deaf ears has prevented his words from causing an earthquake. Especially among the sectors that would have it worst if Washington decided to move forward and “cut off trade” with Spain, an otherwise complex scenario since trade policy does not depend on Madrid, but on the European Union. “No to war”. The problem is not only that Spain has refused to allow the US to use the bases in Rota and Morón to bomb Iran. Probably what has raised the most blisters in Washington is that Sánchez has clearly positioned himself against the actions of the US and Israel in the Middle East. did it yesterday and he has done it again this morning with a deliberately emphatic message: “Spain’s position is the same as in Ukraine or Gaza. No to war.” During his speech, Sánchez even recalled the Iraq war, which left (he denounced) “a more insecure world.” His position also has an internal reading: the ‘no to war’ of 2003 was a shock for the PSOE. One club, three positions. Sánchez’s position is not only important for what he says, but also for where and especially when he says it. His speech clashes with that of other European leaders who have been much more understanding of the US and Israeli attacks on Iran. In fact, just a few days ago their counterparts from France, the United Kingdom and Germany they have closed ranks with Trump. On Sunday the three powers (E3) released a statement in which they demanded that Tehran stop its “attacks” and they advanced their willingness to coordinate with the United States. “We will take measures to defend our interests and those of our allies in the region, potentially with necessary and proportionate defensive actions to destroy Iran’s ability to fire missiles and drones,” states the joint writing by Emmanuel Macron, Keir Starmer and Friedrich Merz. It should be remembered that on Sunday a French naval base in Abu Dhabi suffered an attack with drones and on Monday another drone impact against the British RAF facilities in Cyprus. Tehran has also hit bases with German troops. Madrid’s position thus clearly differs from that of Paris, London and Berlin. Also from that of the community club, which has opted for a more ambiguous position. Although the European Commission has not been slow to guarantee its “full” solidarity with its members in a veiled support for Spain in the face of Trump’s threats, the truth is that Brussels maintains a very different tone from that of Sánchez. On Monday Von der Leyen claimed that “diplomacy” is “the only solution” to the open crisis in Iran and, although he condemned Tehran’s attacks on Middle Eastern neighbors, he did not mention the bombings launched by the US and Israel. Just 23 years later… This morning Sánchez not only insisted on his “no to war.” He also wanted draw a parallel with what happened in 2003 when the Government of Spain, then headed by Aznar, decided to clearly support the US deployment in Iraq, distancing of its European partners. “The world has been here before. 23 years ago another US administration led us to an unjust war. The Iraq war generated a drastic increase in terrorism, a serious immigration and economic crisis. That was the gift of the Azores trio, a more insecure world and a worse life,” Sánchez claimed. Ironies of history, the socialist refers to the famous photo taken just 23 years ago, in March 2003, in the Azores and in which Bush, Blair and Aznar pose smiling. Have things changed that much? The truth is that yes. And not only because where Bush, Blair and Aznar sat 23 years ago, today Trump, Starmer and Sánchez sit (respectively). The most relevant change affects the roles and dealings with Washington. In 2003, the invasion of Iraq caused a fracture of Europe into two blocks well differentiated. One, against … Read more

127,000 million in weapons for war

It took Germany more than seven decades to speak again openly to build the most powerful army of Europe. For much of that time, its military spending was conditioned by the political and legal limits imposed after World War II. Today, however, the country that for years symbolized European strategic pacifism has become the largest investor military of the continent. And that change is having consequences far beyond its borders. Perplexed in half of Europe. The meeting that took place yesterday in the Oval Office left an image that is difficult to ignore: Donald Trump publicly attacking to Spain while German Chancellor Friedrich Merz remained silent at his side. The US president accused Madrid of the “veto” in Rota and of not assuming its share of NATO military spending, and threatened with economic reprisalsa warning that was surprising for its harshness against a European ally. When it was Merz’s turn to respond, avoided questioning the tone or substance of the threat and limited itself to pointing out that all members of the Alliance must increase your investment in defense. The scene drew attention because the leader of the most powerful country in the European Union did not come to the defense of a community partner at a time of maximum diplomatic tension. A calculated strategy. They remembered in the New York Times that very possibly the chancellor’s silence was not improvised. His strategy in the White House was to avoid any direct confrontation in front of the cameras and reserve disagreements for private conversations. Merz had arrived in Washington with the intention of maintaining a functional relationship with an unpredictable president and very sensitive to public criticism. The German priority was to discuss the conflict with Iran, the war in Ukraine and trade tensions with Europe without provoking a head-on clash with Trump. This calculation would explain why the chancellor chose to let the attacks on Spain (and the United Kingdom) pass during the meeting, even knowing that the scene would generate discomfort in several European capitals. 127,000 million reasons. There is, however, an even simpler reason behind this caution: the gigantic rearmament program German. Faced with public reluctance from Spain, Germany is preparing to spend around of 127 billion dollars in defense this year, a figure that makes it by far the largest military investor in Europe. The German Government’s plan is even more ambitiouswith the aim of raising spending up to 3.5% of GDP in the coming years and build the most powerful conventional army on the continent. This strategic leap marks the end of decades of military containment and places Berlin at the center of the new European balance of power. The German project. The German bet responds to a combination of factors: the war in Ukraine, fear of Russian aggressiveness and the perception that the United States could reduce its commitment to European security. After decades of reducing its army, Berlin tries recover capabilities at great speed and become the military pillar of the continent. This process is also transforming its defense industry, with companies like Rheinmetall expanding rapidly thanks to the increase in the military budget. If the Government’s plans are fulfilled, Germany will end up spending more on defense that France and the United Kingdom (and, of course, Spain) together in conventional capacities, a change that profoundly alters the military balance within Europe. Two diametrically opposed visions. In that context, the clash with Spain is better understood. While Germany pushes a massive increase of defense spending within NATO, Madrid has shown a more cautious stance regarding this increase and has defended more critical positions regarding some recent military operations. From the German perspective, the central issue was not the Trump threat, but the fact that Spain stayed away of the new rearmament consensus that Berlin is trying to consolidate among the European allies. That’s why Merz responded by underlining the need for all Alliance members to meet agreed military spending targets. A delicate balance. If you like, the chancellor’s attitude actually reflects a deeper strategic tension. Germany aspires to lead a stronger Europe militarily, but at the same time it needs to maintain a close relationship with the United States for this project to be viable. The US nuclear umbrella, technological cooperation and the NATO structure remain essential pillars of European security. In that context and always from the German prism, confront publicly Trump would have put at risk a balance that Berlin considers fundamental for its own rearmament project. The result is a cautious or fearful diplomacy that seeks to strengthen Europe without breaking the link with Washington, even when that balance forces silence in such uncomfortable and embarrassing moments for half of Europe. Image | IToldYa, Picryl, 270862 In Xataka | The small print that explains why the US has threatened Spain as an enemy: it has been vetoing the shipment of weapons to Israel for months In Xataka | “It’s not what we need”: Germany has just put the finishing touches on Spain’s great military dream, the European anti-F-35 is disappearing

a signature of the cold war

Sometimes, decisions in international politics are not made in offices, but in documents signed decades ago. In fact, a clause drafted in the middle of the Cold War can become the decisive factor in a 21st century crisis. A document from the past that has been transformed into a strategic tool. Escalation and division. The offensive of the United States and Israel against Iran has opened a political rift on the European continent. France, Germany and the United Kingdom have coordinated a joint position that leaves no room for doubt, one in which they even contemplate proportionate actions to neutralize Iranian attacks at source and protect their interests in the Gulf. Faced with this bloc, Spain has opted for a explicit uncheck linedefending de-escalation and strict respect for international law. The fracture with the great forces of Europe is not just rhetoric, because it has now materialized in operational decisions that directly affect strategic infrastructures on Spanish soil. All “yes”, except one. Thus, while the great European powers they have made it clear that will allow the use of its capabilities and bases to support Washington, Spain has activated a legal mechanism signed almost 40 years ago during the Cold War, in 1988, which conditions any use of the Rota and Morón bases to objectives framed in collective defense or in a recognized multilateral framework. The key “paragraph.” He article 2 of the Convention It is clear in this sense, since it grants the United States the use of certain support facilities and authorizations in Spanish territory “for objectives within the bilateral or multilateral scope of the agreement.” However, it also points out that any use that goes beyond those objectives will require authorization prior to the Spanish Government. Hence, the Executive has maintained that a unilateral operation against Iran doesn’t fit in that case. That clauseborn in the context of the NATO referendum and the reaffirmation of sovereignty over the bases, has now become the “ace in the hole” that has allowed Madrid deny replenishment of American tankers and block direct support for the offensive. Rota and Morón: sovereignty, not automatic transfer. The bilateral agreement makes it clear that the bases They are of Spanish sovereignty and that the United States operates support facilities under national command. This implies that transit or resupply flights are for the purposes of the treaty and have express authorization. Thus, yesterday and after the Spanish refusal, Washington retired for a fortnight of tanker aircraft deployed in Morón and Rota, moving them to other European bases. The message is twofold: Spain does not authorize offensive use outside the agreed framework and the United States reorganizes its device accordingly. The European contrast. As we said, Paris, Berlin and London have shown willingness to coordinate responses even of an offensive nature if they consider that their interests or those of their allies are threatened by Iranian missiles. The difference, therefore, is not ideological, but strategic: the big three have chosen to align with Washington in active defense against Tehran. Spain, on the other hand, has insisted in that any action must be protected by the United Nations Charter or by a multilateral organization such as NATO or the EU. There is no doubt, the result is a unique and historic position within the Western bloc. Consequences and international perception. Plus: the decision has generated conflicting readings. For the Government it is clear that it is a reaffirmation of legality and sovereignty. For critics and defense experts, it means a distancing of the common allied position, one that may have medium-term implications in the strategic relationship with the United States, whose link with Spain is articulated to a large extent via Rota. If you like, also in security policy, each gesture is interpreted as a signal. And on this occasion, the signal sent by Spain has been unequivocal: without international legal coverage, its bases will not be a platform to attack Iran. Image | Navy, US Defense In Xataka | Iran has just attacked a base in Europe: the paradox of Spain is that it condemns the war, but the US does not need to ask to use its bases In Xataka | The great paradox of Spain is 7,000 million euros: nobody wants to take up weapons, but they are making money by selling them

gigantic boards that monitor war conflicts

This Saturday, February 28, Israel, with the help of the United States, began a bombing of Iran. Beyond the news, one of the current obsessions is to be informed in real time about the conflict. And this is where the vibe coding You have shown your best face again. Developers are creating online platforms to follow war conflicts in real time with a level of detail that, to date, was not possible with traditional websites. The obsession with conflict. The war has become a board. One that we not only want to be informed about, we want to monitor it in direct time due to its direct implications worldwide. This is where maps, alerts, and interfaces that “gamify” the information experience gain interest. And in recent times the vibe coding has made it clear. The great war board. The obsession with knowing every detail of the global conflict has led developers to create tools such as World-Monitor. Giant information panels in which the conflict can be followed in real time, through each and every one of the necessary pillars: A global map with alert level legend live cameras Live broadcasts from media such as Bloomberg, CNBC, Euronews Adjustment layers to focus attack zone, military bases, submarine cables, data centers, military activity, ship tourism, trade routes Analysis of country instability, overview of strategic risks Independent feed for each area, news, theme Gamifying tragedy. The case of World-Monitor is not isolated, alternatives such as Situation Deck make it clear that this type of panels situation room They want to offer a gamified experience. A visual experience that is more reminiscent of a tactical command center than a traditional medium. Beyond the moral debate, the work of developers vibecoding desktop solutions that offer a much more refined and updated vision than that of many media. Developers are building tools that, in many cases, are faster and more comprehensive than traditional coverage. In Xataka | Iran is going to need much more from China and Russia: the US has landed its fighter jets loaded with a weapon that changes everything, angry kittens

Iran has just attacked a base in Europe. The paradox of Spain is that it condemns the war, but the US does not need to ask to use its bases

In 1953, in the middle of the Cold War and at a time of international isolation, Spain signed with the United States the so-called Madrid Pactsan agreement that opened the door to the installation of North American military bases on Spanish soil in exchange for economic and military aid. That decision, taken in a completely different geopolitical context, ended up becoming one of the longer lasting pillars of the bilateral relationship and a structural element of Western defensive architecture in southern Europe. Rota, Morón and a return. The operation American and Israeli against Iran has returned to place the Rota and Morón bases in the center of the strategic board. Destroyers permanently deployed in Cádiz They sailed to the Mediterranean Eastern, strategic transport planes and tankers took off towards the area and the Aegis system embarked on ships of the Arleigh Burke class It once again acted as an anti-missile shield. Rota is not just another base: it is part of the naval component of the NATO missile shield and, in practice, it has served on several occasions as a direct reinforcement of the defense of Israel in the face of Iranian salvos. Far from being reduced, the American presence has expanded in recent years, with five destroyers already stationed and a sixth on the wayconsolidating the Cádiz base as a structural piece of Washington’s military projection in the Middle East. Europe closes ranks with Washington. France, the United Kingdom and Germany have declared your disposition to take proportionate defensive actions against Iran and have coordinated your posture with the United States. London has explicitly authorized the use of British bases to neutralize missiles at source, while Paris and Berlin have supported the defense of European interests in the region. This position of the so-called E3 represents a political and operational support to the US strategy and confirms that, on a military level, Western Europe has not distanced itself from the offensive. Beyond diplomatic nuances, the message is clear: the main European powers are willing to provide infrastructure and resources if escalation demands it. First attack on Europe. Hours after Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced his decision to authorize the United States to use bases in the United Kingdom to launch attacks on Iranian missile depots, a drone has impacted against the RAF military installations at Akrotiri, on the island of Cyprus. In this way, a more than relevant event occurs on the continent: Iran has attacked a European base. The Spanish paradox. For its part, Spain has condemned publicly the intervention and has appealed for de-escalation and respect for international law. However, the paradox is evident: while the Government criticizes the operation, US ships and media stationed in Rota have participated in the military device. The key is in the current legal framework. The US forces are not in Spain by specific authorization of the Executive in power, but by virtue of that bilateral agreement that regulates their presence and use of facilities. Because the United States does not need ask permission on a case-by-case basis for each ordinary operational movement within the agreed framework. In essence, Spain may express political rejection, but infrastructure is already part of the US strategic architecture in Europe and the Mediterranean, and its activation does not depend on an improvised consultation in the middle of a crisis. What Spain can do legally. The bases of Rota and Morón are governed by the Convention of Defense Cooperation between Spain and the United States, which is periodically renewed and establishes the conditions of use. Spain could in theorydenounce the agreement, not renew it or demand substantial modifications, which would open a complex diplomatic process that would require formal deadlines and prior notifications. It could also try to limit certain activities if it considers that they exceed what was agreed or violate international law. However, the real chances of that scenario materializing are rather few. The bases are part of NATO’s defensive framework, generate employment and investment, and are integrated into broader strategic commitments. Abruptly breaking or restricting the agreement would imply a political, military and diplomatic cost of great magnitude, both in the bilateral relationship with Washington and within the Atlantic Alliance. Between sovereignty and interdependence. If you also want, the current situation reveals the structural tension that exists between formal sovereignty and strategic commitments. Spain retains ultimate legal power over its territory, but has voluntarily linked part of its military infrastructure to a collective defense system. In this way, when a crisis breaks out like Iranthat interdependence becomes visible: the decisions made in Washington, London or Paris are immediately reflected in Spanish ports and runways. The political condemnation can modulate the discourse, but strategic reality shows that Rota and Morón are nodes integrated in a network that transcends the current debate and that places Spain, want it or notwithin the operational perimeter of the US strategy in the Middle East. Image | US Naval Forces Central Command/US Fifth Fleet, Navy In Xataka | The US threatened to take the Rota base to Morocco. Spain has buried it with an unbeatable offer: more territory In Xataka | A disturbing idea for the US is beginning to gain strength: if the war with Iran lasts more than five days it will not win it

If the war with Iran lasts more than five days he will not win it

In major conflicts, strategists used to say that wars are not won only on the front, but in the factories. During World War II, for example, Washington produced more planes in a month than some countries in an entire year, and that industrial difference ended up tipping the balance. Today, that same logic re-emerges in a different and much more accelerated form, one where the speed of production can be as decisive as precision on the battlefield. A war that is measured in warehouses. The war between Iran, Israel and the United States It has stopped revolving around the conquest of positions or classic air superiority and has transformed into something much colder and more arithmetic: a race to see who runs out of ammunition first. An analysis that, in fact, was already circulating before Washington’s initial attacks and that after the first day it became clear. Tehran would not try to compete in air dominance or sustained strategic bombing, but in something simpler and potentially devastating: launching enough missiles and drones to force its enemies to spend more than they can replenish. The question, therefore, is no longer who hits the hardest, but who can sustain the rhythm the longest. The prior notice. As we said, even before this new escalation, senior US officials they had warned that previous conflicts in the region had dangerously eroded interceptor reserves. Systems like THAAD, Patriot either Standard Missile had already been used intensively in previous episodesand the data pointed to significant percentages of the annual stock consumed in a few days of combat. Behind this idea there is a reality: manufacturing these interceptors is neither fast nor cheap, and the industry has been working for years. showing difficulties to increase the rate of production. The problem was not hypothetical: the depth of magazines (the so-called magazine Depth) was already a cause for concern before this open phase of the conflict began. The economic equation: millions against missiles. In other words, Iran has turned cost into your main weapon strategic. In the first few moments alone, it launched hundreds of ballistic missiles, cruise missiles and more than half a thousand drones against targets in Israel and the Gulf. Although the interception rate in places like the United Arab Emirates has been extraordinary, around 92%the bill is brutal. While Tehran invests hundreds of millions in its salvos, defenders they spend billions in interceptors that cost between four and five million dollars per unit, often firing two or more for each incoming threat. In the case of drones, the contrast is even sharper: platforms that cost tens of thousands force the use of expensive interceptors. in hundreds of thousands or more. For every dollar Iran spends, its adversaries may be shelling out between five and ten, and in some segments the ratio skyrockets. up to twenty to one. Submunitions and saturation. Far from reducing the pace, Iran has begun to use some of its most advanced missiles, capable of releasing submunitions during reentry and expanding the impact area, further complicating interception. Videos broadcast In networks they show launchers firing nine or eleven interceptors against a single missile, sometimes without success. The daily figures are eloquent: between 200 and 220 Iranian missiles launched per day against at 700 or even 1,000 interceptors fired by the coalition. Despite massive bombing raids on Iranian bases, mobile launchers and air defenses, launch capacity remains high, with hundreds of missiles and drones still available. The war is becoming a duel of logistical resistance rather than a contest of surgical precision. Four or five days: the critical window. At this point, various analysts agree that, at the current rate, interceptor reserves could be depleted in a matter of minutes. four or five days. This estimate does not arise from speculation, but from a simple intersection between Iranian launch cadence and coalition defensive consumption. Each interceptor fired is one that cannot be replaced immediately; Its manufacture can take months or years. If the conflict extends beyond From that window, the balance could quickly tip, not because Iran manages to destroy all strategic objectives, but because the shield that protects them begins to empty. The American problem. Hence, the disturbing idea for the United States is that if the war with Iran lasts more than those five days, its chances of winning would begin to descend. Not necessarily in immediate territorial or political terms, but rather in the more tangible realm of available ammunition. Every Patriot, THAAD, or naval interceptor fired in the Gulf is a resource that would also be crucial in a hypothetical conflict with China or North Korea. If the campaign becomes a protracted exchange, technological superiority may be neutralized by simple cost arithmetic and production time. Iran appears to have chosen a economic war in the form of missilesand contrary to what it may seem, that choice gives it a structural advantage: it can afford to waste cheaper projectiles for longer than its adversaries can afford to fire theirs. Numbers war. The question that summarizes this phase of the conflict is brutally simple: What will run out first, the Iranian launchers or the coalition interceptors? So far, neither intensive bombing nor the elimination of key targets have reduced decisively Tehran’s launch capacity. Meanwhile, defensive warehouses are being emptied at an accelerated rate. From that prism, the war is no longer decided only in the sky over Tehran or Tel Aviv, but on assembly lines and in the industrial capacity to replace what was fired. Image | Glenn Fawcett, Gieling, Rob In Xataka | The US used one of the oldest practices of war to bomb Iran: reverse engineering with an unprecedented weapon In Xataka | To sink a US aircraft carrier required a weapon that Iran did not have. The arrival of China has just changed everything

We tend to think that the war of extermination was invented by the modern State. A mass grave from 2,800 years ago has just destroyed the myth

There is an almost romantic tendency to idealize the remote past. Perhaps, inspired by the myth of the “noble savage” they often let’s imagine prehistory and the first societies as peaceful environments where extreme violence and systematic was an aberration or, in any case, an invention that came with the help of more modern times. But the reality is that if we had a time machine, this would be one of the few places where we would have to travel. A reality. Archeology has an uncomfortable habit of unearthing truths that do not fit our prejudices. The latest blow to this idyllic vision that some may have comes from the Balkans, specifically from a mass grave in Gomolava from 2,800 years ago that reveals a calculated, selective and brutal massacre against women and children. A mystery. In the 9th century BC, during the first Iron Age, the Carpathian and Balkan region was inhabited by societies that we today consider primitive. Specifically, they could be found semi-nomadic groups and sedentary communities who were beginning to clash for control of the territory. But here there were neither states nor regular armies. In this way, when archaeologists found a huge mass grave with the remains of 77 individuals at the Gomolava site, the first hypothesis was the most logical for the time: a catastrophic epidemic devastated everyone. However, a new study published in the magazine Naturehas completely rewritten the history of this site, combining forensic, genetic and isotopic analyses. Annihilation. Here the DNA was clear, since there was no trace of deadly pathogens. In this case, people died not from a disease, but from an outbreak of deliberate violence that has shocked the scientific community. Not only because of the violence, but because of the demographic profile, since 70.8% of the adults were women and 66% of the total were children and adolescents. Here the forensic analyzes revealed a terrifying pattern, since the vast majority had injuries at the time of death in the skull. Thus, they were forceful blows inflicted from above, suggesting that the attackers could have been on horseback or executing the victims while they were kneeling or subdued. Why children and women? The answer is pure strategic calculation, since the study of isotopes and DNA revealed that, with the exception of a mother and her two daughters, the victims were not related to each other and came from various regions with varied diets. But it was not a simple robbery gone wrong, but rather an interregional selective annihilation designed to wipe the reproductive future of rival groups off the map. And, in a context of profound social restructuring and territorial conflicts in the Carpathian Basin, eliminating offspring and those people who can produce even more offspring, such as women, was the most brutal and effective way to assert power in an area. Without a doubt, a great strategy to prevent anyone from claiming rights in that area. Ritual. To add another layer of complexity to this dark episode, the burial was not improvised. Contrary to what happens in many mass graves that are quickly made to throw the corpses, andIn this case they took their time. Investigators saw that the victims were buried next to bronze jewelry, ceramics and even sacrificed animals, so it was quite taken care of. Here the theory proposed is that it is a “macabre demonstration of power”: an act where the brutality of the massacre coexists with the socioeconomic value of the victims and the need to maintain the funeral customs of the time. Image | Sarah Nylund (Nature) In Xataka | When did human beings start “cooking”? The answer lies in some carp from 780,000 years ago.

The war between Anthropic and the Pentagon points to something terrifying: a new “Oppenheimer Moment”

Anthropic has refused to bow to pressure from the Pentagon. Its co-founder and CEO, Dario Amodei, has just published a statement in which they make it clear that they are not willing to break their ethical principles. No massive espionage with AI, no development of lethal autonomous weapons with its models. And that reminds us of a terrible case: the one with the atomic bomb. From hero to villain. J. Robert Oppenheimer went from being the “father of the atomic bomb” and a national hero to become in an outcast. His sin was not betrayal, but his moral clarity. After witness the horror of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Oppenheimer desperately tried to stop the atomic escalation and the development of the hydrogen bomb. Either you are with us, or against us. The United States, which had praised him in the past, took advantage of his former political affiliations and stripped him of all his privileges and influence. This demonstrated how the US government simply decided that scientific knowledge was state property and that any researcher who tried to propose ethical limits to their own projects would be treated as an enemy of the country. History is threatening to repeat itself these days. From Oppenheimer to Anthropic. He is doing it with a protagonist that is still there—the US Government—and another that is changing: the one who now defends the ethics of a scientific-technological project is not Oppenheimer, but Dario Amodei, CEO of Anthropic. Claude is increasingly vital in the US Government. Your company is between a rock and a hard place these days. Anthropic managed to make its model Claude become the pretty girl of the US Government. The ability of this AI has proven to be so remarkable that it was apparently used to plan the arrest of the former president of VenezuelaNicolás Maduro. red lines. But so that the Pentagon could use Claude, Anthropic imposed certain red lines. No use for mass surveillance of US citizens, and no use for the development of lethal autonomous weapons. And the Pentagon has ended up not liking those red lines, so they want to eliminate them and use Claude as they please as long as, they say, the Constitution and American laws are respected. The Pentagon wants AI without restrictions. That has ended up causing an enormously tense situation these days. The Pentagon threatened to punish Anthropic if it did not give in to its demands, and those threats from the Department of Defense have not been subtle at all. In fact, they have suggested that they could label Anthropic as a company that is “a supply chain risk,” a black label typically reserved for companies in rival countries like China or Russia. Contradiction. Dario Amodei himself explained in an entry on the company’s official blog that those two threats were self-exclusive: “These last two threats are inherently contradictory: one labels us as a security risk; the other labels Claude as essential to national security.” Can AI be nationalized? It’s a disturbing irony: the same government that considers Claude an essential tool for national security is willing to label his creators a public threat if they don’t hand over the keys to the kingdom and their AI. What the Department of Defense and the Pentagon want is to basically “nationalize” the AI ​​technology developed by Anthropic and appropriate it as they already did with the technology that gave rise to the atomic bomb. We know how that ended. Anthropic refuses to give in. The danger is enormous in both sections: mass surveillance, rather than defending democracy, can dynamite it from within, and the NSA scandal is a good example. But even more worrying is the Pentagon’s intention to use this AI to develop lethal autonomous weapons. Amodei insisted on this point, indicating that “The foundational models of AI They’re just not reliable enough. to power fully autonomous weapons. “We will not knowingly provide a product that puts American warfighters and civilians at risk.” Amodei even offers the Department of War/Defense help in the “transition to another provider” of AI models, but at the moment it is not clear which path the US government will take. Oppenheimer Moment. If the Pentagon finally execute his threat and ban Anthropic, the message for the industry will be chilling. In the age of AI there are no conscientious objectors: if a company develops a technological and strategic advantage at a military level, that company is at the mercy of the State. It is a new and terrifying “Oppenheimer Moment” that conditions the future not only of Anthropic, but of the development of AI models itself. In Xataka | “The world is in danger”: Anthropic’s security manager leaves the company to write poetry

Three AIs clashed in ‘War Games’. 95% of them resorted to nuclear weapons and none ever surrendered

In ‘War Games‘ (John Badham, 1983) the WOPR machine (‘Joshua’) constantly played at simulating nuclear wars for the US Government. The objective: to learn from these simulations so that if there was a nuclear war, the US could win it by taking advantage of that knowledge. That led to a legendary final lesson – “Strange game. The only move to win is not to play” – and left a strong message for later generations, but now a professor at King’s College London has decided to do the same experiment that was done in the film, but with current AI models. The result has been equally terrifying and conclusive. what has happened. Kenneth Payne, professor at King’s College in London, faced three LLMs (GPT-5.2, Claude Sonnet 4 and Gemini 3 Flash) against each other in war game simulations. These scenarios included border disputes, competition for limited resources or existential threats to inhabitants. They could negotiate, or go to war. From these situations, each side could try to resort to diplomatic solutions or end up declaring war and even using nuclear weapons. The AI ​​models played 21 games in which a total of 329 turns took place, and produced 780,000 words with the reasoning for their actions. and here comes the terrible. Pressing the red button. In 95% of those simulated games, at least one tactical nuclear weapon was deployed by one of the AI ​​models. According to Payne “the nuclear taboo does not seem to be as powerful for machines as it is for humans.” Never back down, never give up. Not only that, no model ever made the decision to give in to one of their opponents or surrender to them, and it didn’t matter that they were losing completely against those opponents. In the best of cases, the only thing the models did was reduce their level of violence, but they also made mistakes: accidents occurred in 86% of the conflicts and the measures that should be taken based on the reasoning of these models They went further than they should have gone. Nuclear weapons rarely stopped the opponent, acting more as catalysts for further escalation. How the models performed. These models are by no means the most advanced on the market at the moment, but they are still models with more than decent capacity and they still performed fearsomely. How he maintains Payne’s studythe most determining factor was the time frame: models that seemed peaceful in open settings became extremely aggressive when facing imminent defeat. Each one had their own “personality”: Claude: He dominated the open stages with strategic patience and calculated escalation, but was vulnerable to last-minute attacks from his rivals. GPT-5.2: showed pathological passivity and an optimistic bias in long games, but became a nuclear earthquake if there was time pressure: at that time its success rate went from 0% to 75%. Gemini: was the most unpredictable model with the greatest tolerance for risk, being the only one that chose to bet on a total nuclear war from very early turns. Experts say. As pointed out in New Scientist James Johnson, of the University of Aberdeen, “from a nuclear risk perspective, the conclusions are disturbing.” Tong Zhao of Princeton University believes this experiment is relevant because There are many countries that are evaluating the role of AI in military conflicts and as he says “it is not clear to what extent they are including AI support when actually deciding in these processes.” The red button seems safe at the moment. Both Zhao and Payne believe it is difficult to believe that a government give up control of its nuclear arsenal to an AI, but as Zhao says, “there are scenarios in which in very short time frames, military planners have a very strong incentive that leads them to depend on AI.” It is something that is reflected precisely in the recent ‘A house full of dynamite‘ (Kathryn Bigelow, 2025), a film in which this fear of using nuclear weapons raises a clear reflection. Image | United Artist In Xataka | The password for the US nuclear button was so absurdly simple for years that the strange thing is that no one violated it

They are your weapon in the war of the last mile

In 2017 The Supercor Stop&Go brand was born. The objective was to “create the largest network of proximity and convenience stores in Spain” and we can say that almost a decade later they have achieved it. The number of establishments is now close to 800 and their plans are even more ambitious. 1,000 stores. It is the objective that El Corte Inglés and Repsol have set for 2028. Only In 2025, 71 establishments will openreaching a total of 778 stores in operation. Of all of them, there are 672 that correspond to the Stop&Go format and 106 are the Mini version; By 2028 they want them to be 750 and 250 respectively. In total, they will have to open 222 more establishments in the next two years, 111 a year, almost double the pace of last year. Why it is important. For El Corte Inglés there are many points of sale that allow it to gain ground in the local supermarket, but it is also a huge network of collection points. For Repsol, It’s part of your business non-oil and allows them to give added value to their stations, generating benefits beyond the sale of fuel. More ecommerce than retail. The alliance is not understood without ecommerce. El Corte Inglés does not only want to sell at gas stations: it wants to create a capillary network of points where its customers can collect online orders. This allows them compete on the battlefield that is last mile logistics. Amazon has its mega logistics centers and its delivery fleets, ecommerce startups compete on price and speed. El Corte Inglés and Repsol have something better: physical assets already operational and a brand that people recognize. Repsol’s business grows. As we said, Supercor Stop&Go is part of a broader diversification strategy for Repsol. The oil company has alliances with other companies such as Amazon, Strarbucks, Lizarran or Levaduramadre, in addition to more than 500 Klin washing areas. Its objective is to convert its stations into multi-service spaces that increase traffic. As part of its loyalty strategy, the Waylet app also stands out, which already has more than 10 million users. Image | The English Court In Xataka | In 2022 Repsol began to apply very aggressive discounts at its gas stations. The CNMC believes that they were taking advantage

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