Europe is months away from registering a demographic milestone that has not occurred since the Black Death: it is literally shrinking

In June the latest Eurostat data putting the EU median age at 44.7 years (and growing). The reading then seemed more or less clear. Europe’s demographic collapse was bringing it closer to an invisible threshold that was once unthinkable: the Middle Ages. 50 years old. Half a year later, the data has not improved. Historical contraction. Yes, Europe is heading towards a demographic turning point unprecedented since the black plague from the 14th century. After decades of sustained decline in birth rates, the population of the European Union will reach its maximum next year and it will start after a prolonged fallthe first of its kind in centuries. This is not a temporary adjustment, but rather a deep structural change that threatens to redefine the economy, the welfare state and the social balance of the continent. The alarm does not arise only from the total number of inhabitants, but from the aging speed and the thinning of the working-age population, on which the pension, health and care systems built over generations rest. Political panic and a race. counted the Washington Post that, given this panorama, governments of all ideological stripes have entered into a race against time to see if a combination of economic incentives, public policies and cultural messages can reverse (or at least stop) the decline in birth rates. In the Nordic countries, for decades exhibited as a model of conciliation and well-being, commissions of experts have been created to understand why their systems did not prevent the collapse of fertility. In France, the discourse has acquired a almost military tonewith calls for “demographic rearmament” after a drop of 18% in births in just ten years. In the east and south of the continent, especially in countries governed by nationalist forces, the response has been more direct: money, tax advantages and an explicit exaltation of the traditional family as a pillar of the nation. Incentives and results. Italy offers bonuses to working mothers with two or more children. Poland has increased notably the monthly transfers per child and has expanded tax breaks for large families. On paper, these policies seem compelling, even enviable from countries like the United States, where the cost of raising children is systematically cited as the main brake to birth. However, the European experience shows a repeated pattern: even the most ambitious programs barely succeed in slowing the decline, don’t invest it. The problem is not the lack of public effort, but the magnitude of the phenomenon they face. Hungary, the laboratory. No country better embodies the ambitions and limits of this strategy than Hungary. For more than a decade, the government has deployed a support system of a generosity comparable to that of Scandinavia, allocating around 5% of its GDP to family policies, a higher proportion than the United States dedicates to defense. The range of measures it’s wide: leave for grandparents, subsidized mortgages for young married couples, loans of up to $30,000 that become subsidies if the family has three or more children, and lifetime tax exemptions for women with three children, extended to mothers of two children under 40 starting next year. The message is clear: having children is not only desirable, it is a matter of national survival. Initial successes. They remembered in the post that for a time, the data seemed to prove this bet right. Hungary’s fertility rate went from one of the lowest levels in Europe to figures that suggested a sustained recovery. But the relief was short-lived. In recent years, the trend has been reversed and the country has practically returned to the European average. For some demographers, the program did not generate new births, but rather advanced decisions by those who were already planning to have children. Others point out that, although the impact on fertility is limited, the policies have coincided with an increase in marriage, a reduction in child poverty and greater female labor participation. The key question is whether these collateral benefits justify the enormous public spending. State limits. Beyond the checks and exemptions prosecutors, the decision to have children remains deeply personal and increasingly complex. The rise in housing prices, persistent inflation and job insecurity they weigh as much or more than any incentive. Added to this is a factor that is rarely recognized in the political debate: many of the drivers of the decline in birth rates are social advances that no one wants to reverse. Widespread access to contraception, decline in teen pregnancy, and increased education and career opportunities for women have transformed motherhood and fatherhood in a late choice, carefully calculated and, for many, expendable. Modernity as a trap. The fertility drop has spread so widely that many experts interpret it as a consequence inherent to modernity. Parenthood is delayed until one’s thirties, when one has achieved job and economic stability that comes later and later. Social media idealizes a life focused on the individual, travel, and personal freedom. dating apps multiply apparent options, but they make lasting commitment difficult. And a generation raised in small families has less daily contact with babies and children, fueling overly negative perceptions about the sacrifice involved in raising children. A politicized debate. Not everyone considers the population decline to be a tragedy. Some defend assuming it as a gradual transition towards more sustainable societies, questioning apocalyptic visions who talk about “demographic collapse.” In the long term, even in the most pessimistic scenarios, Europe would still have hundreds of millions of inhabitants. But these global figures hide a much more immediate structural problem: the imbalance between workers and retirees. In just a few decades, the ratio of people of working age to each elderly person will increase. will have drastically reducedputting under strain systems designed for a demographic pyramid that no longer exists. The fragility of immigration. For years, immigration has been presented as Europe’s demographic lifeline. However, this option is becomes more uncertain as fertility falls across almost the entire planet. Even countries that until now were large demographic reserves … Read more

The Xiaomi Su7 Ultra has unleashed madness by registering 7,000 reservations in 10 minutes. They planned to sell 10,000 units throughout 2025

Xiaomi aspires to sell 10,000 units of your Xiaomi Su7 Ultra. Those were the words of Lei Jun, CEO of the company, a few days ago in his account of the Chinese social network Weibo, as they collect in South China Morning Post. The announcement warmed a little more the event of yesterday, February 27, in which the company was expected to finally reveal all the details of its faster, powerful and radical electric car. The same as has broken the record in the green hell and in Three other circuits. Finally, and although it almost seemed that we already knew everything we could know in advance, Lei Jun in person was by disagreeing All the detailsone by one, what they have in hand. With direct references to Porsche and Tesla He told us that his electric car will be faster and more efficient than German and American models and, if that were not enough, he demonstrated some autonomous driving capabilities that seemed really advanced. And all this for a fraction of its price. Not just that. Also the Xiaomi Su7 Ultra was a car announced at an even cheaper price than expected. And the results did not wait. They wanted to produce 10,000 units … And everything indicates that they will have to expand (if they can) the plans. As we said, Lei Jun affirmed a few days ago that the company hoped to place this number in the market of its most expensive electric car. An electric car that will finally have the following prices: Xiaomi Su7 Ultra: 529,000 Chinese yuan (about 70,000 euros to direct change) Xiaomi Su7 Ultra with the Racing package: 629,000 Chinese yuan (about 83,200 euros to change) Xiaomi Su7 Ultra Nürburgring: 814,900 Chinese yuan (about 107,000 euros) It should be noted that The price of the base model is 34.97% lower to which the first reserves of the car opened when it was announced last October. Then all the characteristics were specified. To get these three versions, there are two ways. The first is to reserve the car for 20,000 Chinese yuan (about 2,700 euros) for seven days. At that time the client can back and guarantee the reimbursement. It is not guaranteed that you want to ensure one of the first units. In that case, the reserve is 40,000 Chinese yuan (about 5,400 euros) but will receive one of the units already manufactured. In addition, if you commission a unit before March 31, “you will be entitled to advantages worth up to 90,000 rmb (12,000 euros) “, in the words of the brand. These prices have led to reservations to shoot. In 10 minutes the company said that 6,900 reservations had already been registered, our colleagues collect Xiaomi world. This does not mean that there have been 7,000 sales but it is confirmed that almost 7,000 people are already thinking about it. The figure gives an idea of back towards the product and the good performance that Xiaomi is taking out at the price of its vehicles. In comparisons they put as a reference to Tesla Model S Plaid, a car that in China is sold for 814,900 Chinese yuan, the same price as the edition Nürburgringthe most radical and in two -seater format. And they were not cut when pointing out that their xiaomi su7 ultra, with the package Racing It already improves the figures of the Porsche Taycan Turbo GT, a car knows for 1,998,000 Chinese yuan (263,046.69 euros). That is, three times more than the price of the “with chucheías” version of the Xiaomi Su7 Ultra. Photo | Lei Jun in X In Xataka | Tesla sales in Europe have sunk 45% and their shares are paying expensive. It’s not even your worst news

Buyers are registering it as a medical device

At the end of December we analyzed the Huawei Watch D2one of the most complete proposals at the health level in the smartwatch market. This clock can function as a tensiometer, a function of which you cannot boast any of its direct rivals. Vitaminate with Harmonyos, although with a price higher than that of clocks with similar specs (except for this function), it was raised as a more than interesting proposal. In China this clock is sweepingprecisely because of its tensiometer function. But the main reason is not the characteristic itself, it is that the Chinese have discovered something very important: they can load this expense to their medical insurance. After the launch of this device in China last November, the users of the social network Xiaohongshu, the new Chinese Tiktok, shared the data. This device is a blood pressure meter, so the Chinese state medical insurance covers the totality or part of the cost of the clock, depending on the city in which it is resided. The state medical insurance system is a medical coverage system that covers the vast majority of the population, composed of different programs as we reside in the city or in the rural environment. One of its characteristics is the direct refund system, through which it is enough to present the invoice of a medicine or health product included in the coverage to receive it. One of the obvious requirements is that the product must be prescribed by the doctor. In this way, those users who have prescribed a tensiometer can access a reim. Such has been the success of D2 in China that the device is completely exhausted. Image | Xataka In Xataka | Huawei Watch GT 4, Analysis: Two versions that squeeze the nuts to the Premium range

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