If the question is whether Spain can deny its bases to give air support to Israel, the answer is not so simple

And suddenly, Spain. Actually, and as we will see, the country’s geographical situation makes it a kind of “technical stop” for the different military conflicts in which the United States has been. The war that is taking place In the East It is another chapter, but with the exception that, quite possibly, Spain will not enter.

What raises a logical question: could it refuse to use its air bases?

Reinforcements from Spain. First the news. Within the framework of the growing military escalation between Israel and Iran, the United States has discreetly intensified its deployment in the Middle East with the help of key infrastructure in Europe, including Bases in Spanish territory. It is official, since the Minister of Defense, Margarita Robles, confirmed that Washington has begun to use the Rota bases (Cádiz) and Morón de la Frontera (Seville) To park cistern airplanes, a measure framed in the bilateral agreements in force between the two countries.

Robles said that the presence of these aerial means is carried out within the limits established by the joint defense treaties. Specifically, the agreement allows the deployment of up to 15 replenishment aircraft in Morón, although international media Like BBC They have reported the arrival of “something else”: at least 30 KC-135 aircraft In recent days, distributed between Spain, England and Scotland.

Logistic support for fighters. We have come counting these days. The role of these cistern aircraft It is strategic: They allow to expand the operational scope of combat aircraft such as the F-16, F-22 and F-35 that the Pentagon has mobilized towards the Persian Gulf region.

According to Reutersthis aerial reinforcement would also include the deployment of a USE USERindicating a projective combat capacity in several dimensions. Although the Secretary of State for Defense, Pete Hegseth, has insisted that it is a deployment for purposes andStrictly defensiveUS military sources have confirmed that these platforms have already been used to Interception operationsdemolishing drones and missiles launched by Iran in response to the Israeli attacks initiated the previous Friday.

Reactions in Spain. No doubt, the use of Spanish military facilities by the United States It has generated restlessness within the Spanish parliamentary arch itself. Podemos has presented a Question battery In Congress to demand explanations to the Executive on the arrival, last Friday, of the cistern aircraft to the base of Morón.

In their brief, they express suspicions that these facilities are being used as a logistics scale in support of military operations in favor of Israel. The party led by Ione Belarra has also questioned the government about itself I was aware Of these movements and if it supervises its purpose, putting on the table the debate on operational sovereignty and indirect involvement of Spain in an international conflict of high intensity.

Legal and preceding basis. The current use of the military bases of Rota and Morón by the United States is part of a strategic relationship Started in 1953when Spain, even under the Franco dictatorship, signed the calls Madrid agreements.

In exchange for financial and military aid, the installation of US bases in Spanish territory was authorized, in what was a shy international opening step. This initial network It included the bases from Zaragoza, Torrejón de Ardoz, Morón de la Frontera and broken, and constituted one of the First gestures from Spain to aspire to NATO entersomething that would not be completed until 1982 with the firm, and until 1999 with full accession to the integrated military structure of the alliance.

The agreed of 88. The current legal basis that regulates the shared use of Rota and Morón It was established With the Defense Cooperation Agreement Signed on December 1, 1988 Among the governments of Felipe González and Ronald Reagan, he was finally the final of the Cold War. This text has been amended Three occasions (In 2002, 2012 and 2015) to adapt to geostrategic and operational changes.

According to the Ministry of Defense, the second amendment protocol set a period of validity eight years old since its entry into force (May 21, 2013), which made it expired on May 22, 2021. However, article 69 of the agreement provides for a Annual automatic extension If none of the parties expresses its opposite will six months in advance, which has been happening until today, with Some exceptions.

Operational limitations. Although US jurisdiction governs certain aspects within the perimeter of the bases, Spain retains sovereignty and political control over its strategic use. In fact, the United States cannot use the facilities unilaterally, but requires express permission from the Spanish government, as stipulated The agreement.

This principle has been maintained, although in practice it has not meant obstacles during, For examplethe wars of Iraq and Afghanistan, when the governments of José María Aznar and José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero authorized their use No restrictions. Similarly, in 2021 Spain allowed both bases to temporarily welcome Afghan collaborators of the United States during his escape from Kabul.

Military presence. According to the agreementUnited States can keep up to 2,200 military, 36 aircraft and 500 civilians in Morón, although the current contingent is around 600 troops. In rota, the allowed limit amounts to 4,250 military and 1,000 US civilians.

These figures reflect a gradual reduction compared to previous decades, and in 2023 The transfer of the rapid response force for Africa was confirmed from Morón to A base in Italyevidencing an operational replication that directly affects the employment and economy of the nearby areas, which receive about two million euros per year in direct income of the State.

Real veto capacity. Therefore, to the big question, could Spain deny the use of its air bases to the United States with respect to the Israel-Iran conflict? The short answer is that yes, in fact, There are examplesas with the return of Torrejón in 1991 and Zaragoza in 1992. Plus: In 1986, the government of Felipe González advertisement that would not automatically renew the pact, also demanding The withdrawal of the North American F -16 in Torrejón, which led to its final withdrawal between 1988 and 1992 (although, as we see, new agreements and amended texts appeared).

Therefore, the absence of renewal Automatic implies that the United States must leave within an established period (traditionally one year), as happened in the 1980s. This shows that if the current government considered it necessary, it could veto specific operations, including The use of Morón or Rota for refueling or air support. In other words, if Madrid does not want such operations to occur today, it could legally deny them or demand strict conditions in the renewal of the agreement.

The delicate balance. The fact that Spain will not enter the Eastern War, but allow the arrival of cisterns from the United States to support Israel’s offensive, it makes the situation quite clear. The position of the Spanish government combines caution and concern. Robles reiterated that the situation is extremely delicate and that the Executive wishes a disassembly prompt and a lasting peace agreement. However, military coordination with the United States, although regulated and planned in these bilateral treaties, leaves Spain exposed to the fluctuations of a war that could overflow at any time.

Plus: the arrival of more aerial media, the Movement of fighters furtive and the possibility of a American preventive attack Against Iran increase the pressure on the Spanish Executive, which must maintain the balance between their role in NATO, its relationship with Washington and the undeniable concern of public opinion against an indirect military involvement that is already tangible and numerical on the tracks of its air bases.

Image | Usn, Ramstein Air Base (US Air Force)

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